A Guide to the Papers of Henry Clay, 1798-1934, n.d. Clay, Henry, Papers : Multiple numbers

A Guide to the Papers of Henry Clay, 1798-1934, n.d.

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Repository
Special Collections, University of Virginia Library
Accession number
Multiple numbers
Title
Papers of Henry Clay 1798-1934, n.d.
Physical Characteristics
ca. 271 items
Language
English

Administrative Information

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Preferred Citation

Papers of Henry Clay, Various Accessions, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Va.

Acquisition Information

This collection was acquired by gift, purchase, and loan, ca. 1900-present. See individual accessions for detailed information.

Biographical/Historical Information

Henry Clay was an American statesman whose masterly compromises on sectional issues helped pacify and preserve the nation during the troubled decades preceding the Civil War. In a long career in public service, he was a Kentucky legislator, a U.S. Congressman (1811-1814, 1815-1821, 1823-1825) and speaker of the House of Representatives (1811-1814, 1815-1819, 1823-1825), Secretary of State, and several times a Senator (1806-1807, 1810-11, 1831-1842, 1849-1852). Clay was a major promoter of the Missouri Compromise (1820), the compromise tariff of 1833 (ending the Nullification crisis), and the Compromise of 1850, all efforts to balance the rights of free and slave states. Clay was twice the unsuccessful Whig candidate for president (1832, 1844). An excellent orator in an age that esteemed oratory, Clay was a charismatic leading statesman of his period. He was impetuous by nature, on occasion rash in action, and sometimes selfish and arrogant as a Whig Party leader. Abraham Lincoln and William H. Seward later agreed that his selfishness had been detrimental to the Whigs. Clay's championship of Latin American freedom strengthened the prestige of the United States in that part of the world and laid the foundations for Pan-Americanism. As a Whig leader, he played an important role in establishing the two-party system that was so essential to the country's political stability. A gradualist, believing that change should come slowly, and a genius in the art of compromise, he did much to hold the Union together in the four decades before the Civil War. And his devotion to tariffs and internal improvements furnished a basis for the domestic program that kept the Republican Party in power in the years after the war and encouraged the nation's economic growth.

Henry Clay was born in Hanover County, Virginia on April 12, 1777, the seventh of nine children. His father, John Clay, was a former Baptist minister turned farmer. He died in 1781, and 10 years later Elizabeth married Capt. Henry Watkins and moved to Richmond. In 1792 the couple moved to Kentucky, but Henry remained in Richmond as a deputy clerk in the high court of chancery. There he acted as amanuensis to Chancellor George Wythe, who advised him to study law. Clay read law under the direction of Wythe and Attorney General Robert Brooke and, after a brief period of preparation, was admitted to the bar in 1797.

Clay was introduced to Richmond society and quickly acquired self-assurance there. However, he looked beyond Richmond for a place to practice law. Kentucky, where land suits were many, was a paradise for lawyers, and Clay made his way there in the winter of 1797-1798, settling in Lexington, then a town of some 1,600 inhabitants.

Clay found the early West congenial. He established a law practice, which flourished, and made friends who shared his political views. On April 11, 1799, he married Lucretia Hart, youngest daughter of Col. Thomas Hart, a wealthy merchant and land speculator. By 1805 Clay had acquired considerable property, as his profession brought him into close contact with the landed proprietors and the nascent industrial interests of the growing West.

A Jeffersonian-Republican by conviction and education, Clay took an interest in politics almost from his arrival in Kentucky. He urged democratization of the state's constitution and a gradual emancipation of slaves. Outspoken on national issues, too, he opposed the Alien and Sedition Acts, championed the Kentucky Resolutions, and campaigned for his party in 1800. In 1803 he was elected to the state legislature, where he sponsored internal improvements and defended a banking venture upon which his friends and relatives had embarked. In 1806, as counsel for Aaron Burr, he obtained that adventurer's exoneration by a grand jury in Frankfort, Ky., which refused to indict Burr on a charge of fomenting an expedition against Mexico. The defense of Burr on this occasion did Clay's reputation no harm, for Burr was then well thought of in Kentucky and Clay had undertaken the case only upon Burr's most solemn pledge of innocence. Clay never forgave Burr for his duplicity. (This early hearing is not to be confused with Burr's trial for treason and acquittal in Richmond, Va., in August 1807, in which Clay took no part.) In 1806, Clay went to the United States Senate to fill an unexpired term. His constituents sent him to the Kentucky legislature in 1807, where he was elected speaker of the House of Representatives.

A duel with a Federalist opponent, Humphrey Marshall, in which Clay was slightly wounded, added to his popularity. He was easily reelected to the legislature in 1809 and was chosen by that body to fill another unexpired term in the U. S. Senate, commencing in February 1810. There he stood for protection and declared himself an ardent expansionist. He opposed the recharter of the Bank of the United States in 1811, a stand that was popular with the speculators and state banking interests of Kentucky. On returning home, he was elected to Congress, and when that body convened on Nov. 4, 1811, he was chosen Speaker of the House of Representatives.

As Speaker, Clay increased the power of the office and strengthened his own political position. In doing so, he played a prominent part in inciting the War of 1812. One of the Indian-hating, land-hungry "War Hawks," Clay appointed expansionists to important committee posts and by his speeches fomented the rising war fever. He sought vigorous prosecution of the war with Britain and at its close was one of the five American members of the peace commission that concluded a status quo ante bellum peace, the Treaty of Ghent. He returned home by way of England, where he helped to conclude a commercial treaty. When Congress reconvened in December 1815, he was reelected Speaker.

Ambitious, impetuous, and eloquent, Clay proceeded in the years following the War of 1812 to develop what became known as his "American System." Domestic improvements at national expense, a protective tariff, a national bank, and finally cooperation with the South American patriots to enhance the U. S. position of leadership in the Western Hemisphere constituted the essence of his plan. Its development, he believed, would bring the United States "to that height to which God and nature had destined it."

This program was carried out in part. The national bank was reinstated, and the protective tariff became law in 1816. But Clay's plans for internal improvements at national expense were thwarted by the constitutional scruples of Presidents James Madison and James Monroe, and his demand for early recognition of the South American republics was countered by John C. Calhoun and John Quincy Adams, influential members of Monroe's cabinet. Furthermore, Clay earned Andrew Jackson's enmity by bitterly censuring him for his conduct in the Florida expedition of 1818, and he sorely tried Monroe's patience by a policy of carping criticism, which arose out of disappointment at not having been made Secretary of State in 1817. These shortcomings and limitations were more than offset, however, by his brilliant handling of the Missouri Compromise, which earned him the title of the "Great Pacificator."

During the 1820's, Clay became more and more closely identified with the nation's economic upper class. His Kentucky estate, Ashland, and other property gave him a tax assessment of over $72,000 in 1831. His views on financial matters during the panic of 1819 classed him with the creditor, anti-relief interests. His legal practice identified him closely with the privileged classes. All this boded ill for his political ambition.

Clay sought the presidency in 1824, as did Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and William Harris Crawford, another member of Monroe's cabinet. Clay had the great disadvantage of running against another contestant from the West, Jackson. The latter emerged from the contest with more electoral votes than anyone else, but since no candidate had a majority the election was to be decided in the House of Representatives. Clay, who had run fourth, was no longer a candidate, but his influence as Speaker of the House for Adams was decisive. Adams made Clay Secretary of State, and Jackson and his friends promptly raised the cry of "Bargain and Sale."

Before the election in the House, Adams and Clay in private conversations had disclosed to one another a fundamental harmony of views on public questions. There probably was a general understanding that Clay was to receive some kind of recognition for his support. That the "bargain" went further than this is doubtful, but the charge of "Bargain and Sale" persisted. Clay never ceased his efforts to demonstrate the purity of his motives in the 1824 election, and in 1826 he fought a bloodless duel with Sen. John Randolph of Virginia over the issue.

As Secretary of State, Clay sought to broaden U. S. trade and extend American influence in the Western Hemisphere through participation in the Panama Congress of 1826. But the American delegates to Panama, who had to await confirmation from a reluctant Senate, arrived too late, and the role of the United States was ineffectual.

The political opposition to Clay's Pan-American policy was evidence of the crystallization of parties that took place during Adams' administration. Adams and Clay led the National Republicans, who summoned all believers in protection and internal improvements to join their ranks. The opposition, led by Jackson, Calhoun, and Crawford, was a heterogeneous collection of men and principles; but it could claim with some reason that the Clay-Adams party had inherited the mantle of conservative Federalism and that its own standard was the emblem of a revitalized Jeffersonianism which would cater to small farmers, workingmen, and the debtor class. "Democracy" was its battle cry and General Jackson, the hero of New Orleans, its candidate.

In 1828, Adams went down to defeat before Jackson, and the latter's uneasy coalition took over. Clay was despondent, but his ardent imagination soon began picturing his own elevation to the presidency in 1832. He denounced Jackson's use of the spoils of office and the veto power, and he championed internal improvements and protection. He returned to the Senate in 1831 and that same year was nominated for the presidency by the National Republicans. Jackson was renominated by what was coming to be known as the Democratic party.

Clay's bid for election was based partly upon the assumption that the West was as eager for internal improvements as it was for cheap lands, and that the South would accept protection if it were labeled "incidental." He was wrong on both counts. A further error was his decision to apply for a recharter for the Bank of the United States. The bank was unpopular, and the bill for its recharter was promptly vetoed by Jackson in a ringing appeal to class hatred and sectional jealousy. The electorate responded with emphasis in 1832, Clay receiving 49 electoral votes to Jackson's 219.

Defeat did not quench Clay's ardor for public service. He was the guiding spirit in the passage of the Compromise Tariff of 1833, which put an end both to South Carolina's nullification of the tariffs of 1828 and 1832 and to Jackson's threats to use force against that state. The Compromise of 1833 added to Clay's reputation as a compromiser of sectional issues.

During Jackson's second term the Whig party, an amorphous combination of elements predominantly conservative in tone and nationalistic in outlook, came into being as the successor to the National Republicans. Clay was its logical leader, and from his position in the Senate he strove to marshal the Whig forces in generally fruitless attacks upon Jackson's fiscal policies. The Kentuckian was anxious to obtain renomination for the presidency in 1836, but the Whigs chose instead to follow the futile strategy of running several regional candidates against Martin Van Buren, Jackson's choice as his successor.

Reelected to the Senate in 1837, Clay once more led the assault upon Democratic measures, especially against Van Buren's independent treasury bill and against a proposed democratization of the government's land policy. The first effort wholly and the second partly failed, but they placed Clay more firmly than ever on the side of the vested interests.

In regard to the growing problem of slavery, Clay also displayed his conservatism. Despite a genuine moral repugnance to slavery, as a Kentucky slaveholder he was himself involved in the "peculiar institution." He had always espoused colonization of the blacks, a harmless, because impractical, remedy for slavery. He hated abolitionism, believing it to be a force that was dividing the sections and leading toward civil war. While upholding the right of petition, he declared that abolitionist petitions should be rejected. He took a moderate position on the proposed annexation of Texas in the late 1830's. In these ways he tried to forestall the controversy over slavery and at the same time retain his popularity in both North and South.

Clay had hoped to be Van Buren's opponent in 1840, but Thurlow Weed, Whig boss of New York state, and other northern Whig politicians wanted a new candidate. To Clay's disappointment, the choice of the Whigs fell upon Gen. William Henry Harrison. The convention then chose John Tyler of Virginia, a supposed admirer of Clay and popular with the southern Whigs, as the vice presidential candidate. Clay supported this ticket, though laying down a program for action that showed his conviction that the leadership of the party still belonged to him.

Dissension among the Whigs followed Harrison's death on April 4, 1841. Tyler was an anti-bank, anti-internal improvements, low-tariff Southerner who had no desire to promote the American System or to allow Clay to usurp his prerogatives as the presidential leader of the Whig party. The Kentuckian was determined that he should lead and Tyler should follow. Under the circumstances, it was inevitable that Clay's program of a national bank, a higher tariff, and the distribution of land sales to the states should meet a cold reception at the White House. Tyler vetoed two bank bills sponsored by Clay, and a bitter intra- party conflict developed. Out of this Clay emerged as the leader of the Whigs. He resigned from the Senate early in 1842 to chart his course for 1844.

There was no significant challenge to Clay's nomination for the presidency in 1844, but a successful campaign was by no means assured. The question of the annexation of Texas was assuming great importance. In his famous "Raleigh letter" of April 27, 1844, Clay came out against annexation "at the present time"; a similar letter by Van Buren (collusion has always been suspected but never proved) appeared on the same day. The intent of the letters was to prevent Texas from becoming a campaign issue, but Van Buren's letter cost him the Democratic nomination, which went to expansionist James K. Polk.

Clay was nominated on May 1, and the Whigs conducted a spirited campaign. Texas was the issue. The Democrats declared that Clay was opposed to annexation, and under the weight of this charge his Southern support began slipping away. Clay sought to explain his stand in the so-called Alabama letters, but in the North these letters produced a fatal drift of antislavery men from the Whig ranks. Polk was elected, and Clay gloomily retired to Ashland. There he remained, deeply disturbed by the growth of the sectional conflict over slavery and by the Mexican War, of which he thoroughly disapproved and in which his son, Henry Clay, Jr., was killed.

Clay wanted the Whig nomination again in 1848, but influential leaders in the party, both North and South, stood opposed. General Zachary Taylor, of Mexican War fame, was nominated by the Whigs in June 1848. Clay bowed to the will of the convention, but throughout Taylor's successful campaign he remained in retirement at Ashland.

Clay returned to the Senate in 1849 to serve again in a time of crisis and division. The cession of California and the Southwest by Mexico at the end of the Mexican War had greatly heightened tension over slavery. Northern opinion demanded the exclusion of slavery from the new territories, and in the South a secessionist movement of formidable proportions developed. Clay believed that if the Union were to be saved, a great effort at compromise must be made. He formulated his plans, obtained Daniel Webster's promise of support, and at the close of January 1850 began his campaign.

In a series of resolutions, Clay discussed the principal questions agitating the country. His most important proposals were the admission of California as a free state, a more rigid fugitive slave law, and provision that the new territories south of 36-degrees 30' should be organized without restriction as to slavery. During the spring and summer of 1850 he fought strenuously for this compromise. His plan, known as the Compromise of 1850, became law after Clay had gone to Newport, R. I., for a rest. Its immediate passage owed much to Stephen A. Douglas and the Democrats in Congress; but to Clay must go the credit for its conception and for arousing public opinion favorable to the measure.

Clay was not to live much longer after the passage of the compromise. He spent the summer of 1851 at Ashland, where he made his will, providing for the disposition of his estate and the freeing of his slaves. Though dying of tuberculosis, he returned to Washington that fall and answered to the first Senate roll call. Thereafter he was closely confined to his room in the National Hotel, where he died on the morning of June 29, 1852.

Clay was a conservative, and his appeal was essentially to the upper middle class. He sought by his American System to link East and West together under his leadership without alienating the South, but opposing sectional interests stood in his way. The protective tariff could not be made into an advantageous issue for a national party. The West preferred cheap lands to a general distribution of land revenues. The South had no more liking for internal improvements than for raising tariff rates.

Clay failed to achieve the presidency because of his mistakes of judgment and the machinations of professional politicians such as Thurlow Weed. But his services to his country in foreign affairs and in effecting compromises at times of national crisis-especially the Compromise of 1850, which history considers his crowning achievement-give him high rank among American statesmen.

Scope and Content

This collection consists of 265 items, consisting chiefly of letters and documents by and to Henry Clay. The collection also includes prints and photographs of Clay. Correspondents include:

Correspondents include: John Agg, James Barbour, Nicholas Biddle, James Brown, Jacob Burnet, Matthew Carey, Langdon Cheves, James F. Conover, Susan Wheeler Decatur, Horace Greeley, Jabez D. Hammond, Thomas Jefferson, John L. Lawrence, Benjamin Watkins Leigh, James Madison, Brantz Mayer, James Monroe, James M. Morris, Hezekiah Niles, Peter B. Porter, Robert Selden Rose, Richard Rush, Nathan Sargent, Samuel Smith, Joseph Story, Alexander H.H. Stuart, Littleton Dennis Teackle, William Thornton, John P. Todd, William Tompkins, Nicholas P. Trist, John Tyler, Joseph Vance, James Watson Webb, Daniel Webster, Conway D. Whittle.

Arrangement

The collection is organized in two series: Series I: Correspondence and Documents and Series II: Prints and Photographs. Both series are arranged chronologically.

Contents List

Series I: Correspondence and Documents
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Series II: Photographs and Prints
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