A Guide to the Papers of the Carter and Wellford Family of Sabine Hall 1650-1918 Carter and Wellford Family of Sabine Hall, Papers 1959, 1959-a, 1959-c

A Guide to the Papers of the Carter and Wellford Family of Sabine Hall 1650-1918

A Collection in
Special Collections
The University of Virginia Library
Accession Number 1959, 1959-a, 1959-c


[logo]

Special Collections, University of Virginia Library

Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library
University of Virginia
Charlottesville, Virginia 22904-4110
USA
Phone: (434) 243-1776
Fax: (434) 924-4968
Reference Request Form: https://small.lib.virginia.edu/reference-request/
URL: http://small.library.virginia.edu/

© 2011 By the Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia. All rights reserved.

Processed by: Special Collections Staff

Repository
Special Collections, University of Virginia Library
Accession number
1959, 1959-a, 1959-c
Title
Papers of the Carter and Wellford family of Sabine Hall 1650-1918
Physical Characteristics
The Papers of the Carter and Wellford Family of Sabine Hall, Accessions #1959, 1959-a, and 1959-c, comprise ca. 1075 items (7 boxes and two oversize volumes).
Language
English

Administrative Information

Access Restrictions

There are no restrictions.

Use Restrictions

See the University of Virginia Library’s use policy.

Preferred Citation

Papers of the Carter and Wellford Family of Sabine Hall, Accession #1959, 1959-a, 1959-c, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Va.

Acquisition Information

The diaries of Col. Landon Carter were deposited by Miss M.R. Weisiger on September 22, 1952, and by the Rev. T. Dabney Wellford through Richard Heath Dabney on April 16, 1947. The Sabine Hall papers 1659- 1871 were also deposited by the Rev. T. Dabney Wellford, on June 23, 1944, and the Robert Wormeley Carter papers (1959-a) on August 26, 1947. Both of the Rev. Wellford's deposits were made gifts on July 25, 1977. The Sabine Hall Account Book and Surveys which compose accession 1959-c were transferred from the University of Virginia Library's Rare Book Division on May 20, 1988.

Scope and Content

The Papers of the Carter and Wellford family of Sabine Hall, Accessions #1959, 1959-a, and 1959-c, comprise ca. 1075 items spanning the years 1650-1918. The collection encompasses an extremely broad range of Carter family concerns, ranging from the personal and political to agricultural, financial, and legal. Taken together, the papers constitute the foundation for one major Virginia planter family's history and opens by-ways to scholar interested in the social, economic, and political life of the South.

The entire collection to the year 1797 (which witnessed the decease of Robert Wormeley Carter I) is available on microfilm. A somewhat less comprehensive listing is available to 1778 (marking the death of Landon Carter of Sabline Hall) in Walter Ray Wineman, The Landon Carter Papers in the University of Virginia Library: A Calendar and Biographical Sketch (Charlottesville, 1962). A richer and more detailed sketch of Landon Carter's life is available in Jack P. Greene, editor, The Diary of Colonel Landon Carter of Sabline Hall, 1752-1778 (2 vols.; Charlottesville, 1965). This volume provides complete transcripts of the Carter diary (which constitutes a part of this collection), and rich annotation. This guide has been divided into three sections: the papers for 1650-1779 which have been calendared by Wineman; the papers for 1780-1918; and the diary of Landon Carter which has been published by Jack P. Greene.

Sabine Hall Papers, 1650-1779
The Sabine Hall Papers, ca. 250 items, 1650-1779, relate to the Carter family and particularly to Landon Carter (1710-1778). Included are deeds, patents, maps, surveys, and indentures dating from 1650. Personal correspondence begins ca. 1736, and comprises the majority of items from that point to Carter's death in 1778. The correspondence and papers reflect the everyday concerns of a planter: money, crops, land, slaves, family and health. Early correspondence is largely focused on dealings with factors who handled the tobacco produced on the Carter plantations. This correspondence is interspersed among the various documents cited above.

With the advent of a new British colonial policy after 1763, Carter's correspondence took on a different complexion. There is a strong and sustained interest expressed in issues dividing the Parliament and the colonies, with Carter taking a firm stance against taxation without representation both in his private correspondence and writings for the press. For Carter, acquiescence in British policies would open the door to infringements on American liberties, indeed, to the enslavement of the American people.

Perhaps because he was such a large slaveholder, and witnessed the debasement attached to dependency, Carter was, as Edmund Morgan has suggested in a broader context, particularly sensitive to anything that smacked of dictation. Overt references to slavery are interlaced through Carter's writings at this time. See, for example, a twenty-four page "letter" in response to an article written by William Pym and published in the "Public Ledger" on August 25, 1765. Pym's article set forth the British view on parliament's right to tax the colonies. Carter offered a detailed rebuttal, observing that he wrote as he did to "give a hint, that nothing can be pictured terrible enough to make an Englishman relish slavery, and give up his liberties on this side of the Atlantic...." In this connection, consult also an undated document, probably 1768, "To the Members of the Late House of Representatives of Massachusetts Bay," a draft of a circular in Carter's hand; Carter to William Rind, 177[?]; and Carter to the Virginia Gazette , 18 July 1774.

Carter was for all intents and purposes retired from public life after his defeat for re-election to the Burgesses in 1768, but he remained in touch with legislative affairs through the correspondence of his son Robert Wormeley Carter and later a nephew, Ralph Wormeley Carter. He also served as chairman of a meeting of the County of Richmond Committee Respecting the Association for American Freedom (see the minutes, October 27, 1774).

Carter was less active once independence was declared, and his correspondence reflects this. There are fewer letters during the first years of the war (1776-1778), though Carter was evidently keeping up with the progress and problems of the infant republic. In a letter to Virginia Gazette publisher Alexander Purdie, September, 1776, Carter attempted to caution the public about the consequences of a lack of available money, and went on to question the wisdom of Congress promising to pay off part of its loans in June, 1777. In an undated letter, probably written in 1777, Carter questioned whether General Burgoyne should have been allowed to surrender on the terms reported.

Not all of Carter's correspondence, of course, relates to the large matters of the Revolution and war. There are mundane family letters mentioning health, recent activities and small purchases of varying kinds, and some medical observations by Carter. Undated items include a petition regarding a river division near Carter's property; Carter's proposal to establish a school in Luneberg Parish in Richmond County; an essay on the cultivation of hops; Carter's method of making harnesses for oxen and horses; and miscellaneous papers. There is also an inventory of Carter's estate, dated February, 1779.

A calendar of these papers has been published by Walter Ray Wineman for the University of Virginia Press as The Landon Carter Papers in the University of Virginia Library: A Calendar and Biographical Sketch (Charlottesville, 1962). Wineman provides useful abstracts of the individual items. His listing is marred by numerous errors in dating and transcription.

Sabine Hall Papers, 1780-1918
The Sabine Hall Papers ca. 1780-1918, encompass 815 items relating to the Carter family, and particularly the affairs of Robert Wormeley Carter (1734-1797) and his grandson Robert Wormeley Carter (1797-1861).

By no means an exhaustive collection, these papers nonetheless cover a wide range of personal and financial matters, and provide a fairly comprehensive picture of the daily life of a large Virginia planter. Included are indentures, maps, and surveys of Carter family properties; miscellaneous receipts and business papers, deeds, stocks and bonds (the latter for the Confederate States of America); miscellaneous copies of Virginia newspapers and pamphlets; Robert W. Carter I's journal for 1783; election statistics; commodity price quotations; Robert Wormeley Carter's account books (mid-19th century); a published journal of the 1836 Whig Convention in Virginia that nominated William Henry Harrison for President; inventories of items in the estate of Landon Carter (1760-1820) and his son Robert Wormeley Carter; and personal correspondence of the Carter family. There is also an official pardon issued in September, 1865, to Dr. Armistead Nelson Wellford by President Andrew Johnson following Wellford's declaration of allegiance to the United States.

The personal correspondence is not extensive, and focuses primarily, though not exclusively, on business matters. There is some correspondence of Robert Wormeley Carter (d. 1861), most notably with his sister Virginia Tayloe; with his brother-in-law Dr. Armistead Nelson Wellford; and with Bishop William Meade agreeing to search for materials relevant to Meade's projected history of the Virginia Episcopal Church.

Correspondence touching upon political, economic, and social life in the Old dominion includes two letters from John Tyler to Robert Wormeley Carter. The first (January 7, 1836) mentions Tyler's political break with the Jackson Administration (probably over Jackson's fiscal policies), and his course in the United States Senate relative to the policy of Instruction. The second letter from Tyler (ca. 1843) invited Robert Carter to dinner at the White House.

Although he preferred the private pursuits of farming to the hurly-burly of political life, Robert Wormeley Carter did run for and hold political office. A staunch Whig, he served two terms in the Virginia Senate, in which capacity he chaired the Senate Banking Committee. A letter from John Wellford (February 17, 1836) relates to Carter's Senate role. In the letter Wellford, a proponent of a new bank for Fredericksburg, explained that he sought to provide more capital for local enterprise. "Allow me to remark that the vacuum occasioned by the withdrawal of the U.S. Bank must and will be filled in one way or the other and if our Legislature withholds the requisite facilities, Pennsylvania will supply them, and ridicule our folly in affording the opportunity of doing so--I am not an advocate for excessive Banking Capital, but surrounded as we are by those who are forcing internal improvements by means of Banks and thereby taking our legitimate trades from us, we are left without alternatives...."

In 1846 and again ten years later there were efforts to pull Carter out of political retirement, the first time as Whig nominee for the State Senate, the second as Union Candidates for Congress (Virginia's 8th District). In each instance Carter politely but firmly declined to be a candidate. See, for example, his letter to the Richmond Whig , July 21, 1856.

Robert Wormeley Carter died in 1861 and the great bulk of material in this collection following his decease relates to his estate and the protracted settlement of claims upon it and owed to it. E. J. Tayloe, George W. Lewis, and Dr. Armistead N. Wellford were the joint executors of the estate, and their correspondence for several years (especially 1867-1873) details their financial concerns. There are periodic references in these letters to family matters and weather conditions. Some of them, moreover, discuss politics. Of these, Judge George W. Lewis to Armistead Wellford, January 17, 1868, is perhaps the most revealing. "There never has occurred in our history," Lewis wrote (in part), "a more tremendous & alarming crisis to stir the blood & rouse the energies of our White people than now. The issue is distinctly presented, whether we are to govern ourselves or be governed by negroes--whether we are to continue the proud old Virginia that we were--with our cherished institutions & civilization, or to be a Jamaica or San Domingo. The contest is a fearful one, & the result doubtful. I believe we can save ourselves with United & strenuous effort." A month later Lewis explained to Wellford that "we are organizing for the contest with the negroes & Radicals this Spring. There was a large attendance at last Court, and the people seemed interested and sound." Referring to the "nefarious" work of a recent "Congo" Convention, Lewis promised to do his best to preserve the purity of Southern institutions. Other letters, however, refer more disgustedly to the "Chaos" reigning in Virginia under military rule (Lewis to Wellford, April 24, 1869).

In June, 1873, Lewis mentioned the possibility of Dr. Wellford obtaining a Senate nomination on the "Conservative" ticket, adding that there were difficulties in procuring it. Apparently the difficulties prove insurmountable, since there is no further mention of politics in the correspondence.

Landon Carter and the Diary
On the face of it, Landon Carter of Sabine Hall lived an enviable life. The son of Robert "King" Carter, he was born in 1710 with all the advantages. Scion of the wealthiest and perhaps most powerful Virginia family, Carter was raised with every expectation that he would take his place among the natural leaders of the Virginia Commonwealth. Educated in London until age sixteen, Carter returned to learn the methods by which a large plantation operated. He married (for the first of three times) at age twenty-two, the year his father died. Through inheritance and his own acumen as a speculator, Carter accumulated some seven estates totaling over 20,000 acres, including on this property 261 slaves, seventy horses, and 368 cattle. (cf. Jackson Turner Main, "The One Hundred," William and Mary Quarterly , 3d, series, XI, 1954, esp. pp. 364, 372; an inventory of Carter's holdings in February of 1779, a year after his death, indicated that he possessed 401 slaves.

As a gentleman of standing in the community, Carter held many offices in Richmond County. His astringent personality, however, did not win him the hearts of his neighbors. Carter was defeated three times in bids to enter the House of Burgesses (a remarkable comment given his wealth and status) prior to his first success in 1752. He served there through 1768, when he was retired by the voters. Although Carter declined ever to run again for public office (partly, no doubt, to avoid the mortification attached to possible defeat), he did not entirely cut himself off from current affairs. He was an interested spectator, then an active participant in the protests against England over the shift in colonial policy in the 1760s, and wrote some of the strongest attacks on taxation without representation. Though staunchly conservative and leary of a too assertive citizenry, Carter supported the Revolutionary movement, and contributed what he could to it, convinced as he was that the King and Parliament were engaged in a deliberate plot to undermine the liberties of the colonists and to "enslave" them.

Carter's life and career, though rich in many ways, was not outstanding. He authored no groundbreaking laws, made no significant agricultural discoveries, penned no memorable phrases-failed, really, to leave an impression on his times. As Jack P. Greene has noted, "there is little in the general pattern of his life to distinguish him from any number of his contemporaries among the Virginia gentry." ("Introduction" to The Diary of Colonel Landon Carter , I, p. 9).

Yet if Carter's life was in many ways representative, it was also distinctive, and quite bluntly, less happy than the surface story would suggest. We know this because of his diary, which is rich in commonplace observation, reflection, and above all, indicative of the thinking of at least one member of the planter elite in eighteenth century Virginia.

Carter's diary gives the lie to assertions that the planter elite was preternaturally disposed to leisure. His ethic of work and pursuit of self knowledge and, for that matter, his constant references to God's will, was as stringent as any Puritan's. Carter kept a tight rein over his properties, and was engaged in overseeing all phases of plantation operations. His diary reveals him alert to the latest trends in farming, and willing to experiment with new methods where they might bring him higher yields (see, as one example, his use of decayed corn stalks as "manure"; entry of 17 March 1771, in Greene, Diary , I, 548-549).

The basic tasks and cycles of agricultural life clearly dominate the diary. It is not surprising in this context that observations about and reflections on the weather are so common. Lack or surfeit of rain proved alternately the banes of Landon Carter's existence as a planter. He captured the situation nicely in an entry of 7 July, 1757: "The poor farmer must always feel the weather and rejoice when it is good and be patient when it is unreasonable." (Greene, I, p. 161). Or, more plaintively and succinctly, the comment of 12 March 1767: "O for a little good weather." (Greene, I, 337).

Too much or too little rain had broader ramifications than crop growth and yields. Intensely hot weather, for example, was almost inevitable accompanied by sickness among Carter's family and his slaves. Carter was extremely solicitous of his slaves in such periods, overseeing in great detail the prescriptions for their recovery. It might be added that the same master who prescribed any number of remedies for his slaves' ailments was equally adept at applying the lash, both verbally and literally, when they displeased him. Negative references to slaves are riddled through the diary.

So too, to a somewhat lesser extent, are negative references to Landon Carter's son and heir, Robert Wormeley Carter (1734-1797). One of Landon's early diary references to Robert (14 January 1764) mentions a "graceless" son. Others refer to Robert's "extravagance" and disrespect and his unwillingness to apply himself to proper work. Relations between the two men were increasingly strained as Robert Wormeley continued to live under his father's roof into his thirties while sedulously declining to emulate his father's strict life-style. Ironically enough, one of their most explosive encounters, as related by the troubled father, was provoked by the son rebuking his father for extravagance. In July of 1766, Robert Wormeley Carter and his father were relaxing together, and the latter ordered a slave to fetch some tea. Robert passed a remark about the impropriety of doing so more than once a week, whereupon Landon exploded: "What Sir! Can't I spend my own money?" "By god," Robert replied, "You will have none to spend soon." (entry of 6 July, 1766, in Greene, Diary , I, p. 314). So it went. The diary shows that the two men never did reach an accommodation, and this estrangement helped color Landon's later years. He became more irritable, reclusive, self-pitying, and in his fears that his son might actually assault him (or worse), took to carrying a pistol with him around the house. (cf. Louis Morton, "Robert Wormeley Carter of Sabine Hall: Note on the Life of a Virginia Planter" Journal of Southern History , XII (1946), 347-348). "Surely it is happy our laws prevent parricide," one diary entry reads, "or the devil that moves to this treatment would move to put his father out of the way. Good god! That such a monster is descended from my loins!" (Diary entry of 16 March 1776, in Greene, Diary , II, p. 1004). (For a good, brief account of the enmity between Carter pére and fils, and an interesting context for it, see David Hackett Fischer, Growing Old in America , New York: Oxford University Press, 1977, esp. pp. 73-76).

Relations with his son Robert aside, Landon Carter did not have a very happy old age. Part of the explanation for this is the fact that he outlived all of his wives. Moreover, from his family and friends he received little of the attention, respect, or comfort he craved and expected as his due. He was worried about the "democratizing" influences of the war, and unhappy with the conduct of that conflict. Where in the early 1770s Landon Carter had embraced the Revolutionary movement as a war on corruption and the "imperfect nature of man," (cf. Introduction, Greene, Diary , I, p. 48), he was in his last years increasingly jaundiced about his family and his world, and did not look confidently to the future.

Taken as a whole, Landon Carter's diary is a document of major import for students of Southern history. Providing insight into the ideology of a leading representative of the planter elite, the diary has much to say as well about agriculture, medicine, weather, family, social life and governance in Virginia. It is a necessary if not sufficient guidepost for anyone seeking to penetrate one crucial element of life in eighteenth century Virginia.

Arrangement

The Papers of the Carter and Wellford Family of Sabine Hall are arranged in eleven series: Series I: Correspondence of Landon Carter; Series II: Financial and Legal Papers of Landon Carter; Series III: Papers of Landon Carter; Series IV: Diary of Landon Carter; Series V: Correspondence of Robert Wormeley Carter; Series VI: Correspondence of Armistead Nelson Wilford; Series VII: Correspondence of Robert Carter Wellford and Armistead Nelson Wellford; Series VIII: Financial Papers of the Carter and Wellford Families; Series IX: Legal Papers of the Carter Family; Series X: Miscellaneous; and Series XI: Larger Bound Volumes. All series are arranged chronologically within themselves, except for the items in Series VIII, the Financial Papers of the Carter and Wellford families, which are arranged categorically in some parts, particularly within items concerning the Estate of Robert Wormeley Carter.

Contents List

Series I: Correspondence of Landon Carter
Back to Top
Series II: Financial and Legal Papers of Landon Carter
Back to Top
Series III: Papers of Landon Carter
Back to Top
Series IV: Diary of Landon Carter
Back to Top
Series V: Correspondence of Robert Wormeley Carter
Back to Top
Series VI: Correspondence of Armistead Nelson Wilford
Back to Top
Series VII: Correspondence of Robert Carter Wellford and Armistead Nelson Wellford
Back to Top
Series VIII: Financial Papers of the Carter and Wellford Families
Back to Top
Series IX: Legal Papers of the Carter Family
Back to Top
Series X: Miscellaneous
Back to Top
Series XI: Larger Bound Volumes
Back to Top